Worship God in Dance
Lucinda Coleman
Lucinda Coleman, a high school teacher, has been a dance co-ordinator
at Gateway Baptist Church in Brisbane and now lives in Port Hedland,
Western Australia. This article is adapted from her research on 'Dance in
the Church', written as part of her studies at the Queensland University
of Technology. It briefly traces the history of dance in worship. Renewal
in the church in recent decades has rediscovered dance, including
liturgical dance and spontaneous dance. As with all other forms of
worship, it can give glory to the performer, or it can give glory to God.
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praise his name in the dance -
praise him with timbrel and dance
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To worship God in dance is biblical. The Bible commends it (Psalm
149:3; 150:4). Scripture gives many references to the use of dance as a
form of joyous celebration and of reverent worship.
In the Hebrew tradition, dance functioned as a medium of prayer and
praise, as an expression of joy and reverence, and as a mediator between
God and humanity (Taylor 1976:81). This understanding of dance permeated
the faith of the early Christian church. During the Middle Ages despite
increasing proscriptions against the use of dance, it continued to be
utilised as a medium of prayer and praise. However, by the time of the
Reformation the church, both Catholic and Protestant, had eliminated dance
from worship.
The Hebrew Tradition
Dance was an integral part of the celebrations of the ancient
Israelites. It was used both in worship in ordinary life and on occasions
of triumphant victory and festivity.
The sacred dance mediated between God and humanity, thus bringing the
Israelites into a closer relationship with their God, Jehovah.
In many Old Testament biblical allusions to, and descriptions of, dance
there is no disapproval, only affirmation of this medium of worship. The
people are exhorted to praise God with 'dancing, making melody to him with
timbrel and lyre' (Psalm 149:3), and to 'praise him with timbrel and
dance' (Psalm 150:4). Dancing is so common that in passages alluding to
rejoicing without specific mention of dancing, it can be assumed dance is
implied (Gagne 1984:24).
The most frequently used root for the word 'dance' in the Old Testament
is hul which refers to the whirl of the dance and implies highly
active movement. Of the 44 words in the Hebrew language for dancing, only
in one is there a possible reference to secular movement as distinct from
religious dancing (Clarke and Crisp 1981:35).
The types of dance used in Israelite society included the circular or
ring dance, as well as the processional dance. These were often used to
celebrate specific events as when David and the people of Israel danced
before the Ark of the Lord, which represented the presence of God (2
Samuel 6:14).
A third type of dance included hopping and whirling movements which
were exuberant with joy. At the defeat of Pharaoh's armies following the
crossing of the Red Sea, 'Miriam, the prophetess, the sister of Aaron,
took a timbrel in her hand; and all the women went out after her with
timbrels and with dances' (Exodus 15:20). When David slew Goliath, the
women sang 'to one another in dance' (1 Samuel 29:5).
Each of these forms of dance found an expression in daily life and at
festival times. At the Feast of Tabernacles, for instance, 'pious men
danced with torches in their hands and sang songs of joy and praise, while
the Levites played all sorts of instruments. The dance drew crowds of
spectators ... It did not end until the morning at a given sign' (Gagne
1984:30). The revered tradition of community celebration found its
expression through movement.
However, dance is not mentioned formally in the Mosaic code, nor was
the movement free of certain prohibitions. A distinction came to be made
between the early, holy dances of a sacred nature, and those which
resembled pagan ceremonies. This distinction, made by the Israelites, was
to be made even more sharply by the Christians in the following centuries.
The Early Christian Church (A.D. 100-500)
In the first five centuries of the Christian church 'dance was
still acceptable because it was planted deep in the soil of the
Judeo-Christian tradition' (Gagne 1984:43). Christians were accustomed to
celebrating, in dance, at worship and festivals because of the Hebrew
tradition of dance.
Christianity was also subjected to the prevailing social and political
influences of the Roman Empire. Changing circumstances in the 4th century
thus led to changes in the importance and meaning of dance as well as in
the dance material used in Christian liturgy. In the course of the history
of theatre and dance, Christianity shaped and proscribed new developments.
Although seemingly restrictive in these early centuries, 'the church
actually created a context for new flowerings of social, theatrical and
religious dance' (Fallon and Wolbers 1982:9).
The New Testament gives few direct references to dance. 'But even this
points to a possible parallel of the Jewish tradition of presuming the
presence of dance without the need to mention it explicitly' (Gagne
1984:35). Evidence of the use of dance as an accepted expression of joy is
reflected in Jesus' comment, 'We piped to you but you did not dance'
(Matthew 11:17). Similarly, in Jesus' parable of the prodigal son there
was dancing and rejoicing on the son's return to his home (Luke 15:25).
Paul reminds Christians that their bodies are temples of the Holy
Spirit and that they should glorify God with their bodies (1 Corinthians
6:19-20). He further indicates physical movement is an approved part of
prayer-like expression when he exhorts Timothy to pray lifting up holy
hands (1 Timothy 2:8). The biblical stance for most prayers included
raising arms and hands above the head (1 Timothy 2:8). In prayers of
confession, kneeling or prostration was common, and in thanksgiving
prayers or intercession standing with arms raised was common (Adams
1975:4).
Additionally, recent studies suggest there are more references to dance
in the New Testament than originally thought (Daniels 1981:11). In the
Aramaic language which Jews spoke, the word for 'rejoice' and 'dance' are
the same. Hence, in including 'dance' with 'rejoice' there are references
to dancing and leaping for joy (Luke 6:23) as well as 'dancing in the
Spirit' (Luke 10:21).
In the two earliest Christian liturgies recorded in detail, dance is
used in the order of service. Both Justin Martyr in A.D. 150 and
Hippolytus in A.D. 200 describe joyful circle dances (Daniels 1981:13). In
the early church, dance was perceived as one of the 'heavenly joys and
part of the adoration of the divinity by the angels and by the saved'
(Gagne 1984:36).
This attitude to dance contrasts sharply with Roman society in which
Christianity first appeared. As Shawn comments, 'Here in Imperial Rome we
find the dance first completely theatricalised - then commercialised; and
as the religious life of Rome became orgiastic, so the religious dances
became occasions for unbridled licentiousness and sensuality' (Kraus and
Chapman 1981:42).
In reaction to what the Christians perceived as moral decadence, the
church sought to purify the dance by expunging all traces of paganism from
the intention and expression of the movement. Dance, however, continued
within the church itself, provided the form and intent were holy and not
profane. The purpose of liturgical movement was to bring glory and honour
to God, and take the focus off the self.
By the third century there is detailed evidence of dance integrated
into the ritual and worship of the church in the writings of Hippolytus
(A.D. 215) and Gregory the Wonder-Worker (A.D. 213-270). At the same time,
there is an increasing emphasis on spiritual thanksgiving in Christian
worship. Christian intellectuals sought to overcome the passion of the
flesh by reason of mind, the greatest evidence of this being demonstrated
through martyrdom.
During the fourth century, significant changes in and outside the
church influenced attitudes towards the type of dance used in Christian
worship. The major cause of change stemmed from the reign of Constantine
(AD 306-337). Constantine converted to Christianity in A.D. 312 and was
instrumental in accepting and supporting the church. The Roman Empire
officially adopted Christianity in A.D. 378, thus ushering in a new
relationship between church and state.
Many references to dance as part of worship in the fourth and fifth
centuries are tempered by warnings about forms of dance which were
considered sinful, dissolute and which smacked of Roman degeneracy. As
membership in the Christian Church became popular, licentiousness began to
characterise the sacred festivals.
In the writings of the Church Fathers of these early centuries, there
is evident concern with the changing focus of Christian dances. Epiphanius
(AD 315-403) sought to emphasise the spiritual element in the dance. In a
sermon on Palm Sunday A.D. 367, he describes the festival's celebration in
the following way:
Rejoice in the highest, Daughter of Zion! Rejoice, be glad and leap
boisterously thou all-embracing Church. For behold, once again the King
approaches ... once again perform the choral dances ... leap wildly, ye
Heavens; sing Hymns, ye Angels; ye who dwell in Zion, dance ring dances
(Kraus and Chapman 1981:49).
This text describes both the literal dance and the spiritual emphasis
of the ceremony, while favouring the latter as the focus of the
celebration.
This was the tendency of other church leaders, who 'attempted to turn
their eyes away from the actual physical movement intrinsic to dance and
regard dance from a singularly spirtualised perspective, as symbolic of
spiritual motions of the soul' (Gagne 1984:47).
In the late fourth century, Ambrose (AD 340-397), Bishop of Milan,
tried to clarify the values and dangers of sacred dance by emphasising the
spiritual. 'The Lord bids us dance, not merely with the circling movements
of the body, but with the pious faith in him' (Adams 1990:18). He saw
dance as spiritual applause and did not rule it out of the church.
Similarly, Gregory of Nyssa (AD 335-394) described Jesus as the one and
only choreographer and leader of dancers on earth and in the church.
However, other leaders in the church began to voice their opposition to
the use of dance. John Chrysostom (AD 345-407), in speaking of Herodias'
daughter, commented that 'where dancing is, there is the evil one' (Gagne
1984:50). Augustine (AD 354-430), Bishop of Hippo, warned against
'frivolous or unseemly' dances (Adams 1990:20) and insisted on prayer, not
dance. Caesarius of Arles (AD 470-542) condemned dance at the vigils of
saints, calling them a 'most sordid and disgraceful act' (Gagne 1984:51).
This conflict reflects the difficulties the Church Fathers were
experiencing as the church grew in popularity. The increasing number of
converts made attempts to retain the dances of their own pagan cults, so
that by the beginning of the sixth century, dance came under severe
condemnation in the church.
The fall of Rome in A.D. 476 left Europe without a centralised power.
The Church stepped in as the arbitrator of morality, law, education and
social structure. The conflicts between the tradition of ecclesiastical
dancing and the moral reprobation of the church itself, led to conflict
over the use and value of dance, which continued throughout the Middle
Ages.
The Early Middle Ages (AD 500-1100)
The first four centuries following the fall of Rome were characterised
by warfare, invasions of Christian lands by Barbarians, or vice versa, and
intense missionary activities. The church was becoming more authoritarian
in its activities and the concept of the church as a judicial institution
began to outweigh the concept of church as community.
As the conscious use of authority widened and deepened within the
church and state systems, there were an increasing number of edicts and
considerable legislation which reformed church liturgy. The use of dance
was restricted, and continually monitored as the emphasis on the
mysterious ritual of the worship service superseded the emphasis on
spontaneous celebration and praise to God (Fallon and Wolbers 1982:42).
Gradually a distinction between the clergy and laity was developing as
a consequence of the church authorities' regulations on the Mass. Latin
was no longer the language of the people, therefore knowledge of the Mass
was restricted to the educated and clergy. Choirs took over all sung parts
of the Mass, thus leaving the laity to engage in private devotions during
the service. Liturgically, participation in the Mass was more restricted
for the lay person and spectatorship became the hallmark of this period
(Taylor 1976:83).
Inevitably as the liturgy became the reserve of the clergy, two
different sacred dance traditions emerged.
The first tradition centred around dance performed by the clergy as
part of the Mass. This movement became ritualised and symbolic of the
theology of the church (Adams 1990:30). The Mass itself was a disciplined
and prescribed sacred movement with definite postures proscribed by church
authorities for the moving of ritual articles such as candles, books, and
censors (Taylor 1976:10). On special occasions such as Saints' days,
Christmas and Easter, the clergy performed sacred dances for the
congregation who were spectators of these ritual acts. The usual forms for
dance were the processional or round dances.
The second dance tradition that developed, with the approval and
guidance of the church, was known as popular sacred dances. These
developed in connection with church ceremonies and festivals. It was
customary to celebrate these with a processional dance although round or
ring dances were popular. They were performed in the church, churchyard,
or surrounding countryside during religious festivals, saints' days,
weddings or funerals.
It was difficult for the church to regulate these popular dances
because the very nature of the dance and its occasion often entailed
spontaneous movement. The rhythmic stomping and hopping steps sometimes
caused uncontrollable ecstasy. When accompanied by feasting and drinking,
these excesses were frowned on by the church.
The dances were usually performed to hymns or carols. 'To carol' means
'to dance' (Adams 1975:6). 'Carol' is derived from the Latin corolla
for 'ring', and 'caroller' is derived from the Latin choraula
meaning 'flute-player for chorus-dancing' (Oxford Dictionary). Most carols
were divided into the stanza, meaning to 'stand' or 'halt', and the
chorus, which means 'dance'. Thus, during the chorus, the people danced
and unless a solo dancer performed for the stanza, there was little
movement as the stanza was sung.
The most common step performed during the chorus was the tripudium,
which means 'three step'. This was danced by taking three steps forward
and one backwards; then it was repeated. The timing was usually 4/4 or 2/4
and the step was popular for processional dances. Often five or ten people
would link arms and then join with others to process through the streets,
and around the church, symbolising the unity and equality of the church
community.
As the centuries passed during the Middle Ages, however, the 'rising
hierarchy eschewed dancing with the people - for dancing symbolises and
effected a sense of equality' (Adams 1975:5). Generally the bishops
abstained from dancing, although some joined the people dancing, a
practice which threatened the developing hierarchy and so it 'hastened
church legislation against all dancing' (Adams 1975:5).
Later Middle Ages (A.D. 1100-1400)
As the church consolidated its authority in the medieval period, the
censorship of dance continued. Dance was still an accepted liturgical form
and various references attest to the rise of dance in the ring and
processional form (Adams 1970:22). However, gradually the sacred dance
form began to shift and instead of devotional dance, the movement became
more theatrical and dramatic.
As public interest in the Mass waned, the Christian authorities made a
definite effort to arouse the congregations by including more choral
songs, picturesque processions and even ceremonial dances performed in the
choir area. John Beleth, a 12th century rector at the University of Paris
mentioned four kinds of choral dances, with tripudiam, which were
customarily used at church festivals (Adams 1990:22).
The worship dance did persist as the exclusive realm of the clergy.
Bonaventure (c. 1260) wrote that in the joys of paradise there will be
endless circling, 'rhythmic revolutions with the spheres' (Adams 1990:21).
Even as late as the 16th century a manuscript describes an Easter carol or
ring dance which took place on Easter eve at the church in Sens. In this
dance, the Archbishop is assisted by the clergy who first moved round two
by two, followed in the same manner by prominent citizens, all singing
songs of the resurrection. The carol moved from the cloister into the
church, around tthe choir and into the nave, all the while singing
Salvation Mundi (Taylor 1976:22).
However, evidence of worship-centred dances such as these declined in
favour of dramatic dance to be used in the church as an allegorical
explanation of the Mass. Short plays were introduced into the liturgy to
improve its appeal to the laity. By 1100, playlets made their way into
eucharistic liturgy and became the precursor to mystery plays.
Aside from the dramatic dances, the attitude of the church authorities
to the sacred dance, as well as the popular dances, was restrictive. In
struggling to unify and control Christian dance, the church hierarchy
issued a number of edicts against the use of dance.
The most widely known of all religious dances in the 14th and 15th
centuries was the Dance of Death or danse macabre. The obsession
with this dance reveals the medieval people's preoccupation with death.
Although initially a spontaneous movement, eventually a set pattern
evolved in a processional format. The church sought to prohibit such
dances stating, 'Whoever buries the dead should do so with fear and
trembling and decency. No one shall be permitted to sing devil songs and
perform games and dances which are inspired by the devil and have been
invented by the heathen' (Kraus and Chapman 1981:59).
However there was an upsurge in the popularity of the Dance of Death
with its grotesque parodies of funerals and frenzied dance outbursts
during the period of the Black Plague (1347-1373). The plague was a
combination of the bubonic plague and pneumonia and it raged throughout
Europe killing half the population of Europe by 1450 (Brooke 1971:14).
Simultaneously, there were outbreaks of dance epidemics known as
Danseomania - dance mania. John Martin comments that people were so
affected by a succession of calamities that they sought an outlet for
emotional stress through the dancing. Other sources have maintained these
epidemics were traceable to a poisoning caused by the consumption of
diseased grain in rural communities. 'Whole communities of people ... were
stricken with a kind of madness that sent them dancing and gyrating
through the streets and from village to village for days at a time until
they died in agonised exhaustion' (Kraus and Chapman 1981:55).
The dance epidemics reached an intensity that rendered ecclesiastical
councils helpless in opposition to them. Despite the church's command to
cease the dance manias, the people either wouldn't or couldn't.
Consequently, the dancers were often accused of being possessed by the
devil.
In the light of these dance manias, the sacred dance liturgies of the
church receded into oblivion. Several edicts sought to restrict dance and
control its excesses, both outside the church, and within. Yet the
numerous proscriptions against church dance only served to push it outside
to the streets. While sacred dance by the clergy was beginning to cease,
the popular church dances persisted. For a time, the church remained
unsuccessful in suppressing these popular dances.
With the rise of papal control of all aspects of Christian life, along
with excesses of the Dance of Death and dance manias, the liturgical dance
forms began to suffer. What remained of the Christian dance forms were
shadows of the former worship-centred celebrations of the earlier
centuries. As the focus in church dance shifted to the liturgy, the
movement within the church became proscriptive and functional. As the
focus in popular dance shifted to the movement of the body, rather than on
the divine, it too lost the essence of the original meaning of Christian
dance.
The Renaissance (14001700)
The Renaissance heralded the beginning of substantial changes for
Christian dance. Historically, it was a period of great upheaval. In 1455
books began being printed and this encouraged an emphasis on intellect, so
that the mind was perceived of greater importance than the body in
religious growth. The Protestant Reformation (15171529) and the Roman
Catholic Counter Reformation as evidenced by the Council of Trent
(15451563) wrought enormous changes to the perceived use and value of
dance in the Christian context (Adams 1990:23).
What flourished in the dance realm were processional celebrations,
theatrical moral ballets and some interpretations of hymns and psalms in
worship. Theatre and spectacles were on the rise, and with the emergence
of the dancing master, the church's liturgical dance faded in
significance.
Prior to the Renaissance, religious dance had become severely
ritualised within the church, and only in popular sacred dances did it
retain the element of spontaneity. Yet within the ensuing changes brought
by circumstances of the Renaissance, the church and civil authorities
sought to sedate, proscribe and ritualise these dances also.
Ultimately, however, it was the Reformation, which tended, in its
extreme forms to do away with Christian dance. All dances and processions,
except funeral processions were abolished (Adams 1990:25).
The Reformation (15171529)
The leaders of the Protestant Reformation were highly critical of
traditional church customs. They sought to suppress the use of icons, the
worship of saints, and pilgrimages and processions. They preached the
renunciation of the world and intensified the struggle between soul and
body by placing greater emphasis on the mind. The connection between the
body, dance and eroticism was openly acknowledged, and Christians were
taught not to glorify the body.
These ideas spread rapidly as the church utilised the printing press,
spreading tracts which were highly critical of dance. The following
excerpt is from a booklet printed at Utrecht:
The heathen are the inventors of dance. Those who cultivate it are
generally idolaters, epicureans, good for nothings, despicable or
dishonourable comedians or actors, as well as souteneurs, gigolos, and
other dissolute, worthless, wanton persons. Its defenders and followers
are Lucian, Caligula, Herod, and similar epicureans and athiests. With it
belong gluttony, drunkenness, plays, feast days, and heathen saints' days
(Fallon & Wolbers 1982:15).
Yet the early leaders of the Protestant Reformation were not antidance.
Martin Luther (c. 1525) wrote a carol for children entitled From Heaven
High in which two stanzas support the role of song and dance in
worship.
Additionally, the English Church leader, William Tyndale, in a prologue
to the New Testament wrote of the roles of joyous song and dance, and was
happy to use the words, daunce and leepe when he considered
the joyous good news of Christianity (Adams 1990:26). It was as the
teachings of the leaders were interpreted by the people that bans on
sacred dance increased dramatically.
Similarly, in the Catholic Church during the meetings of the Council of
Trent, the intention was less on the abolition of sacred dance, than on
seeking unity in liturgical and theological matters. The Council's
decrees, however, stifled creativity and growth within the church drama
scene. In 1566, statues of the synod of Lyons for example, threatened
priests and other persons with excommunication if they led dances in
churches or cemeteries.
In general, the church insisted on liturgical unity without the use of
dance in worship. As increasing pressure to cease all religious dance
mounted, there seemed no avenue for a possible creative revival in dance.
Consequently, religious dance disappeared, or survived in only a few
isolated places. Some religious denominations cultivated specific
liturgical movements which harked back to the early church dance. Other
Christian dance movements were changed into folk expressions, to be seen
at weddings or funerals, or else remained buried in the structured
movement of the Catholic Mass.
The events of the period eventually led to the eradication of
liturgical dance, processions, and most visual arts, leaving only the arts
of painting, preaching and music unscathed.
In the post Reformation period both the Protestant and Catholic Church
'firmly attempted to close the door on creative expression of dance in the
liturgy' (Gagne 1984:59). The Catholics' increasing proscriptions against
dance, coupled with an increasing sense of mistrust of dance on the part
of Protestants, forced dance back into the secular realm. 'Dance was given
back totally to society, with few exceptions remaining of church-related
Christian dance' (Gagne 1984: 59).
Conclusion
Dance within the Christian context, having sprung from the Jewish
tradition, was embraced by the early church as an integral part of
celebrations and of worship. During the Middle Ages various influences
affected the development of Christian dance and despite increasing
proscriptions concerning its value and use, it survived as a sacred dance
form. However, with the commencement of the Reformation, the dance was
forced out of its place in the liturgical celebrations of the Christian
church, and with few exceptions flourished instead in the secular realm.
Gradually, with the renewal of the church in the twentieth century,
including liturgical renewal, dance has begun to find increasing
acceptance in the worship life of the church once again. It has a rich and
biblical tradition. Dance offers an enormous range of forms and
expressions in worship from the carefully choreographed dramatic
presentation to the spontaneous worship and celebration of indiviuals and
congregations of all ages.
References
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Adams D. & Apostolos-Cappadona, D. eds. (1990) Dance as Religious
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Brooke, C. (1971) Medieval Church and Society. London: Sidgwick
& Jackson.
Clark, M. & Crisp, C. (1981) The History of Dance. New York:
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Daniels, M. (1981) The Dance in Christianity: A History of Religious
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(c) Renewal Journal #6 (1995:2), Brisbane, Australia, pp. 35-44.
http://www.renewaljournal.com/
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